Artistotle's Political Theory

The present point is that Aristotle's rendering of political organization is presumptively exclusionary. The idea of citizenship post for slaves, laborers (perhaps the menial notwithstanding freeborn workers), or mechanics (perhaps skilled laborers or craftsmen) is disparaged (1278a13), although Aristotle acknowledges that a rich mechanic might achieve citizen status in an oligarchy because a mechanic. He explains that even aliens may be granted citizenship in some cases. Even so, Aristotle's conceptualization of citizenship, which involves employment in the promulgation of public indemnity, must be intent to certain types of persons: " one and only(a) who lives the life of a mechanic or labourer raisenot pursue the things which belong to excellence [where excellence = alive(p) in shaping civil society and public policy that goes along with it]" (1278a13). Women, of course, are to serve and be ruled and be silent, as is their natural lot, as (he manages not to say it directly) Everybody Knows (1260a4 and 1260a24).

Having just said that Aristotle wants to exclude out of hand some persons from citizenship, one must further explain that such an understanding of world experience has to be fused with Aristotle's psychologic all toldy realistic sentiment of human personality and behavior and intelligence types, not all of which are suited to governance but some of which may be i

n and not outside the citizen class. It is on the basis of this more complex discernment of human nature and social organizationthat the reasons for placing polity third after(prenominal) monarchy and aristocracy as a good form of political science emerge. The equation between polity and constitution is made when Aristotle defines the politeia as "the organization of a city [or polis] in respect of its offices generally, but especially in respect of that particular office which is monarch butterfly in all issues" (1278b6). Elsewhere Aristotle defines a politeia as "the charge in which a city lives" (1295a40).

What that comes down to is where the power to jail of governance issues resides.

The benefit of a monarchy, which in Aristotle's make is a good form of government activity, is that the king is meant to govern according to the special K interest. That being so, there can be no equivocalness about the authority or the good leave intentions of the ruler. The ruled are presumed to have confidence that the king has their best interests and the interests of the polis at heart. The nigh best rule comes from the aristocracy, comprising (presumably) persons educated as citizens and therefore accountable for pursuing policies for the habitual good. Extending the governance franchise to all citizens can be accomplished by a constitution intentional for the purpose, as long as they "rule with a view to the common interest" (1279a25). The multiple points of view contained in the " galore(postnominal)" could diffuse the ability of the multiple rulers to agree on what the common interest is, and that is where degeneration into democracy comes about, with the poor masses ruling only in their interest and thus against the interest of the fewer who are rich.

What makes the polity not the best kind of government is that the ambiguous tension between rich and poor will always be present. Further, there is a danger of factionalism, or constant seeking for political advantage (1301b4). On the new(prenominal) hand, it is not the worst kind of government
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