Nazi State Terrorism

But the destruction of European Jewry stands out to us for its thoroughness in application of genocide in the strongest sense of the word to an entire people.

The Shoah, or Jewish holocaust, to a fault stands out for its arbitrariness and disconnection from any motive that could be called rational even in by most amoral and Machiavellian standards. In its earlier stages, it is true, Nazi Ger legion(predicate)'s war against the Jews might be interpreted as a characteristic instance of a regime consolidating its hold by turning popular frustrations against an unpopular minority group. The classic example of this form of terror, to an American, is the manner in which the postReconstruction elite of the American South use the victimization of AfricanAmericans, and the fomenting of white racism among bypass(p) southerly whites, to forestall any possible development of an economic classbased populism that might join poor whites and blacks in bond paper against the dominant elite.

This was the way in which one master of actor politics, Winston Churchill, appeared to misunderstand Nazi antisemitism. Churchill is reputed to have told a Nazi decreed that "antisemitism is a strong starter but a poor finisher." Implicit in this statement was the assumption that the Nazis were si

Hypothesis III. "The more equitably wealth is distributed among gender, class, and social groups, the less likely state terrorism will occur." This conjecture is also largely inconsistant with Germany in the 1930s. German incomes were almost for certain more equitably distributed than those in France, and probably more than those in Britain. Germany also inherited from the Bismarckian reforms an extensive social " golosh net." Moreover, by the early 1930s, the social disruptions of the postWorld struggle I inflation were well in the past, and the Depression did non Germany as hard as it hit, say, the United States. Jews were a prominently welloff ethnic group, but there was slim grounds for claiming that a wealthy Jewish elite dominated German economic life under Weimar.

Hypothesis IX: "The greater the number of stable governmental parties, the less likely state terrorism will be sustained." This hypothesis is not at all consistant with the political experience of late Weimar. Weimar was a multiparty system, and there were a broad range of political options from which voters could choose. However, as suggested above, by the late Weimar years the parties with the fastest growing support and greatest enthusiasm among their supporters were precisely those dedicated to pose an end to the multiparty system itself. It is fair to note, however, that the existence of many "stable" political parties is open to question; in its short history, Weimar politics was a kaleidascope of ephemeral and changing political alignments and movements.

mply employ antisemitism as a means to an end: that they were pandering to the overcome impulses in the German people in order to fix their own political hold.

Hypothesis VII: "The greater the lapse by elites to illegal and unethical political strategies, the greater the likeliness of state terrorism." The interpretation of this hypothesis in the context of the Nazi rise to power is complex. On the
Order your essay at Orderessay and get a 100% original and high-quality custom paper within the required time frame.